Who becomes an inventor in America? The importance of exposure to innovation

We characterize the factors that determine who becomes an inventor in the United States, focusing on the role of inventive ability (“nature”) versus environment (“nurture”). Using deidentified data on 1.2 million inventors from patent records linked to tax records, we first show that children's...

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Bibliographic Details
Main Authors: Bell, A. (Author), Chetty, R. (Author), Jaravel, X. (Author), Petkova, N. (Author), Van Reenen, J. (Author)
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Oxford University Press 2019
Subjects:
Online Access:View Fulltext in Publisher
LEADER 03077nam a2200289Ia 4500
001 10.1093-qje-qjy028
008 220511s2019 CNT 000 0 und d
020 |a 00335533 (ISSN) 
245 1 0 |a Who becomes an inventor in America? The importance of exposure to innovation 
260 0 |b Oxford University Press  |c 2019 
856 |z View Fulltext in Publisher  |u https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjy028 
520 3 |a We characterize the factors that determine who becomes an inventor in the United States, focusing on the role of inventive ability (“nature”) versus environment (“nurture”). Using deidentified data on 1.2 million inventors from patent records linked to tax records, we first show that children's chances of becoming inventors vary sharply with characteristics at birth, such as their race, gender, and parents' socioeconomic class. For example, children from high-income (top 1%) families are 10 times as likely to become inventors as those from below-median income families. These gaps persist even among children with similar math test scores in early childhood-which are highly predictive of innovation rates-suggesting that the gaps may be driven by differences in environment rather than abilities to innovate. We directly establish the importance of environment by showing that exposure to innovation during childhood has significant causal effects on children's propensities to invent. Children whose families move to a high-innovation area when they are young are more likely to become inventors. These exposure effects are technology class and gender specific. Children who grow up in a neighborhood or family with a high innovation rate in a specific technology class are more likely to patent in exactly the same class. Girls are more likely to invent in a particular class if they grow up in an area with more women (but not men) who invent in that class. These gender- and technology class-specific exposure effects are more likely to be driven by narrow mechanisms, such as role-model or network effects, than factors that only affect general human capital accumulation, such as the quality of schools. Consistent with the importance of exposure effects in career selection, women and disadvantaged youth are as underrepresented among high-impact inventors as they are among inventors as a whole. These findings suggest that there are many “lost Einsteins”-individuals who would have had highly impactful inventions had they been exposed to innovation in childhood-especially among women, minorities, and children from low-income families. JEL Codes: O3, I2, R3. © The Author(s) 2019. 
650 0 4 |a child development 
650 0 4 |a gender 
650 0 4 |a human capital 
650 0 4 |a income 
650 0 4 |a innovation 
650 0 4 |a property market 
650 0 4 |a socioeconomic status 
650 0 4 |a technology 
650 0 4 |a United States 
700 1 |a Bell, A.  |e author 
700 1 |a Chetty, R.  |e author 
700 1 |a Jaravel, X.  |e author 
700 1 |a Petkova, N.  |e author 
700 1 |a Van Reenen, J.  |e author 
773 |t Quarterly Journal of Economics