Economy and cosmology in the Iron Age of Kwazulu-Natal

• Main Author: Whitelaw, Gavin Douglas Allies
• Format: Others
• Language: en
• Published: 2016
• Subjects: Iron age.; Archaeologists > South Africa > KwaZulu Natal.; Cosmology.; Saving and investment.
• Online Access: http://hdl.handle.net/10539/19353

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Science, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Pietermaritzburg, 2015 === This thesis considers economy and cosmology in the Iron Age of KwaZulu-Natal. It draws on models derived from anthropological and historical analyses of precolonial agriculturists in southern Africa and applies these to archaeological data. Critics argue that anthropological approaches in archaeology are not conducive to the creation of a socially dynamic past. In contrast, I believe that their potential is considerable. The models targeted, principally Huffman’s Central Cattle Pattern, obviously represent socially dynamic relationships. This is clear if we look at lower-level models: Ngubane’s analysis of Zulu sickness and healing, which reveals fracture lines and tensions within the homestead, and Hammond-Tooke’s observation that the Nguni and Sotho pollution systems are variations related to the specifics of marriage and settlement. Ngubane’s analysis couples neatly with Guy’s identification of the ‘history-making’ principle—the struggle for the accumulation, creation and control of human productive and reproductive capacity— that gave Iron Age societies their dynamism. It is an engagement that firmly integrates systems of symbolism and belief with economy. Throughout this study I focus on the expression of this dynamic principle in cosmology and material culture. Consideration of pollution concepts in the Early Iron Age showed that the high exchange value of women created extensive lateral alliance networks as cattle moved as bridewealth from one homestead to another. The system worked against a concern for male agnatic continuity and so generated considerable structural tension within society, which was expressed in material culture. My focus on fish remains in Iron Age sites generated an ‘ethnography’ and political history of fishing where none had existed previously. It established a cultural logic that explained the avoidance of fish eating in some societies, and its adoption and significance in others. The approach combined with Kopytoff ’s frontier model revealed two key findings. First, the marginal category, amalala, originated at the Early and Late Iron Age interface. Secondly, the Zulu kingdom emerged from a dynastic shift in a complex of chiefdoms around the Babanango plateau, with the Zulu leadership usurping Khumalo authority. An analysis of Nguni rainmaking, and of the record of interaction between huntergatherers and agriculturists, revealed no evidence that hunter-gatherers made rain for agriculturists until the late nineteenth century. This work marked their final tragedy, their loss of independent life as the colonial world closed in about them.