Ecolas Do Amanhã: Building Islands of Educational Excellence in the Favelas of Rio De Janeiro?
The low quality of educational services in the favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro is well documented (e.g., Abramo, 2003; Alves, Franco & Ribeiro, 2008; Cano, 2012; Cavallieri e Coelho, 2003; Frigotto, 2004; Henriques, 2000; Henrique & Ramos, 2011; Machado, 2002 &...
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Florida State University
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Online Access: | http://purl.flvc.org/fsu/fd/FSU_2016SP_PereiraAmorim_fsu_0071E_13063 |
Summary: | The low quality of educational services in the favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro is well documented (e.g., Abramo, 2003; Alves,
Franco & Ribeiro, 2008; Cano, 2012; Cavallieri e Coelho, 2003; Frigotto, 2004; Henriques, 2000; Henrique & Ramos, 2011; Machado,
2002 & 2008; Valladares, 2010). In 2010, the average twenty-five year-old living in a favela would not have completed primary school.
The adult illiteracy rate is almost three times higher in the favelas as compared to the population that does not live in Rio's slums
(Rocha & Carusi, 2012). Alves and Ribeiro (2008) showed that children and teenagers that live in favelas are 51 times less likely to
be in the appropriate grade given their age compared to a similar population that does not live in the favelas. The achievement gap
between high and low-income children is widely discussed in the literature (see, for example, Bowles, 2014; Caldas & Bankston, 1997;
Clark, 1984; Heyneman & Loxley, 1983; Lee & Burkam, 2002; Reardon, 2011). I was interested in exploring to what extent educational
policies that target low-income students were contributing to reducing the achievement gap between poor and non-poor children. To study
this topic, I investigated a specific educational initiative implemented in the city of Rio de Janeiro, called Escolas do Amanhã (EDA),
and its potential effects on student learning outcomes, as proxied by average test scores in math and Portuguese, and by average dropout
rates of EDA schools compared to non-EDA schools. Given the lack of random selection, a simple comparison between outcomes achieved at
schools within and outside of the program would threaten to bias estimates of the program's effect. To address the sample selection bias,
I employed the propensity score matching technique to build similar treatment and comparison groups such that the only observed difference
could be attributed to program differences. The assumption is that the schools would have the same disposition to receive the treatment
(propensity score), but one group would receive the treatment and the other would not. In the analysis of 4th grade Prova Brasil scores
and drop out rates, one hundred and forty-one control units have been matched to one hundred and forty-seven Escolas do Amanhã schools.
For the outcomes related to 8th grade standardized assessment score, one hundred and seven control units have been matched to one hundred
and forty-seven Escolas do Amanhã. Although EDA schools underperform in mathematics and Portuguese test scores compared to non-EDA
schools, the differences were not significant. Therefore, based on my findings, there is no credible evidence as to whether the Escolas do
Amanhã program improves students test score or the likelihood of completing elementary education. === A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. === Spring Semester 2016. === March 14, 2016. === education policy and evaluation, elementary education, favelas of Rio de Janeiro, propensity score matching,
quasi-experimental design === Includes bibliographical references. === Carolyn D. Herrington, Professor Directing Dissertation; Thomas Blomberg, University
Representative; Patrice Iatarola, Committee Member; Flavia Ramos-Mattoussi, Committee Member; Stephanie Zuilkowski, Committee
Member. |
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