Tone sandhi of prosodic word in Suzhou Chinese.

• Other Authors: Shi, Xinyuan.
• Format: Others
• Language: English; Chinese
• Published: 2013
• Subjects: Wu dialects > Phonetics; Wu dialects > China > Suzhou Shi (Jiangsu Sheng) > Phonetics; Wu dialects > Phonology; Wu dialects > China > Suzhou Shi (Jiangsu Sheng) > Phonology; Chinese language > Dialects; Chinese language > Dialects > China > Suzhou Shi (Jiangsu Sheng)
• Online Access: http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549329; http://repository.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/en/item/cuhk-328626

本文主要探讨苏州话的连续变调，研究范围限定为音译词和复合词这两类多音节词。通过对苏州话语料的详细考察，本文总结出苏州话多音节词连读变调存在三层变调行为：（i）首音节尽量保留原调;（ii）第二个音节的变调与首音节的单字调有关;（iii）其余音节负载一个低平调. === 本文针对舒声调为首音节的多音节词的变调规律，回答了如下问题：（i）苏州话连续变调为何存在三层变调行为，而非两层或者四层？（ii）首音节保持原调的变调行为及它较高的负载声调的能力是由什么决定的？（iii）其余音节所负载的变调是如何决定的？ === 经过分析，我们将苏州话的变调域确认为韵律词，其内部结构如下：每个韵律词的头两个音节构成一个左重双拍音步，剩余的音节不构成音步因而直接被韵律词所管辖。由此苏州话的三层变调行为可以通过这三类音节在韵律词中的不同地位来解释，即：（i）首音节是左重双拍步中的强音节; （ii）第二个音节是左重双拍步中的弱音节; （iii）其余音节因不属于音步而被韵律词直接管辖。 === 基于对苏州话韵律结构的分析，本文以优选论为框架从理论上统一解释苏州话的连续变调。首先忠实性制约条件“禁止删除强音节单字调和“禁止强音节单字调变化 解释了首音节尽量保留原调的变调行为。其次，“禁止复杂仄调“，“禁止升调“和“禁止弱音节负载仄调这些简约性制约条件解释了现今苏州话连读变调模式中不允许出现复杂仄调，升调和非首音节仄调的现象。再次，“尾音节连接低调解释了连读变调后韵律词尾音节所负载的低平调。 === 本文通过对音译词和复合词的分类考察，补充了前人对苏州话连读变调现象的描述。而且在以往理论研究的基础上，本文论证了苏州话的连读变调是由它的韵律结构所决定的，由此补足了苏州话变调现象的理论解释。最后，本文对苏州话的分析也进一步印证了韵律结构的层级关系和韵律单位是人类语言所共有的，但韵律单位的构建在不同语言中则各有不同。 === This thesis presents an optimality-theoretic account of Suzhou tone sandhi from a prosodic perspective. By investigating transliterations and compounds, we find a three-way distinction of tone sandhi behavior within a tone sandhi domain: (i) the initial syllable has the ability to retain its citation tone; (ii) the second syllable carries a sandhi level tone related to the citation tone in the initial syllable; and (iii) the remaining syllables carry a low level tone. === Focusing on the tone sandhi patterns with initial long tones, we answer the following research questions: (i) what determines the existence of a three-way distinction of tone sandhi behavior, rather than a two-way or four-way one? (ii) what determines the tone stability and the greater tone-bearing ability of the initial syllable? and (iii) how are the sandhi tones in the non-initial syllables determined? === The tone sandhi domain in Suzhou Chinese is identified as the prosodic word, which contains a single left-headed binary foot and unfooted syllables. The three-way distinction is then captured by the three prosodic states in a prosodic word: (i) the strong syllable in the left-headed binary foot within the prosodic word, (ii) the weak syllable in this foot, and (iii) the syllables which are unfooted and immediately dominated by the prosodic word. === Based on the analysis of Suzhou prosodic structure, our account of Suzhou tone sandhi is formulated within the framework of Optimality Theory. First, ranking the positional faithfulness constraints with reference to strong syllables higher than the context-free faithfulness constraints guarantees the tone stability of the initial syllables. Second, the undominated markedness constraints which require no complex contour tone and no rising tone trigger contour tone reduction and tone redistribution. Another undominated markedness constraint which requires no contour tone in weak syllables ensures no contour tones in a weak syllable, i.e. a non-initial syllable in Suzhou Chinese. Third, the final low level tone in the sandhi patterns is determined by the markedness constraint which requires low tone assignment in the rightmost syllable of a prosodic word. === This thesis complements the descriptive studies on Suzhou tone sandhi, by adding the data of transliterations and investigating compounds according to the morphological relations. It also confirms the idea in previous theoretical studies on Chinese languages that prosodic structure governs tone sandhi, including the tone stability in strong syllables and the greater tone-bearing ability of strong syllables. This thesis further corroborates the idea in Prosodic Phonology that the prosodic hierarchy and its constituent are universal, though the precise shape of the constituent are language-specific. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Shi, Xinyuan. === "November 2012." === Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. === Includes bibliographical references. === Abstracts also in Chinese. === ABSTRACT --- p.I === ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.I === Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 === Chapter 1.1 --- OVERVIEW --- p.1 === Chapter 1.2 --- PRELIMINARY: PHONETIC INVENTORIES OF SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.2 === Chapter 1.3 --- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: OPTIMALITY THEORY --- p.6 === Chapter 1.3.1 --- Basic principles --- p.6 === Chapter 1.3.2 --- Conflicts between markedness and faithfulness --- p.9 === Chapter 1.3.3 --- Alignment constraints --- p.9 === Chapter 1.4 --- ORGANIZATION --- p.10 === Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- INVESTIGATION OF TONE SANDHI PATTERNS IN SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.11 === Chapter 2.1 --- DESCRIPTIVE STUDIES ON TONAL PHONOLOGY OF SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.11 === Chapter 2.1.1 --- Citation tones --- p.11 === Chapter 2.1.2 --- Tone sandhi --- p.15 === Chapter 2.1.3 --- Interim summary --- p.21 === Chapter 2.2 --- TONE SANDHI PATTERNS IN SUZHOU CHINESE: THE CURRENT INVESTIGATION . --- p.22 === Chapter 2.2.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns in transliterations --- p.22 === Chapter 2.2.1.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns beginning with long tones --- p.23 === Chapter 2.2.1.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns beginning with short tones --- p.28 === Chapter 2.2.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds --- p.32 === Chapter 2.2.2.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds I: modification --- p.34 === Chapter 2.2.2.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds II: coordination --- p.38 === Chapter 2.2.2.3 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds III: other morphological relations --- p.40 === Chapter 2.2.2.4 --- Intra-variations in disyllabic compounds: [HL.L]~[HL.H] --- p.42 === Chapter 2.2.2.5 --- Inter-speaker variations in compounds: [LL.H]~[LH.H] --- p.44 === Chapter 2.2.2.6 --- Tone sandhi in a group of frequently used compounds --- p.46 === Chapter 2.2.3 --- Tone sandhi in fast tempo --- p.50 === Chapter 2.3 --- SUMMARY --- p.53 === Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- PREVIOUS STUDIES OF TONE SANDHI IN CHINESE LANGUAGES --- p.57 === Chapter 3.1 --- STUDIES OF THE REPRESENTATION OF TONE WITHIN THE SPE FRAMEWORK --- p.57 === Chapter 3.1.1 --- Wang’s (1967) ground-breaking proposal of tone features --- p.58 === Chapter 3.1.2 --- Woo’s (1969) proposal of decomposing contour tones --- p.59 === Chapter 3.1.3 --- Yip’s (1980) proposal of two pitch heights in each register --- p.61 === Chapter 3.1.4 --- Interim summary --- p.63 === Chapter 3.2 --- STUDIES OF TONE SANDHI IN NORTHERN WU WITHIN THE METRICAL-AUTOSEGMENTAL FRAMEWORK --- p.64 === Chapter 3.2.1 --- Duanmu’s (1990) moraic analysis of tone re-association in New Shanghai --- p.65 === Chapter 3.2.2 --- Ao’s (1993) identification of tone sandhi domain in Nantong Chinese --- p.66 === Chapter 3.2.3 --- Interim summary --- p.69 === Chapter 3.3 --- STUDIES OF TONAL DISTRIBUTION WITHIN OT FRAMEWORK --- p.71 === Chapter 3.3.1 --- Jiang-King’s (1996) tone-syllable weight correlation in Northern Min --- p.71 === Chapter 3.3.2 --- Zhang’s (2001) tone-duration correlation in typological survey --- p.73 === Chapter 3.3.3 --- Interim summary --- p.74 === Chapter 3.4 --- SUMMARY --- p.76 === Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- AN OPTIMALITY THEORETICAL ACCOUNT OF TONE SANDHI IN SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.77 === Chapter 4.1 --- IDENTIFYING THE TONE SANDHI DOMAIN --- p.78 === Chapter 4.1.1 --- Identifying prosodic word as the tone sandhi domain --- p.78 === Chapter 4.1.1.1 --- Brief introduction of the prosodic hierarchy --- p.78 === Chapter 4.1.1.2 --- Prosodic categories relevant to Suzhou tone sandhi --- p.80 === Chapter 4.1.1.3 --- Construction of prosodic word in Suzhou Chinese --- p.82 === Chapter 4.1.2 --- Identifying morpho-syntactic unit as the tone sandhi domain --- p.86 === Chapter 4.1.2.1 --- Inadequacy of identifying morphological unit as the tone sandhi domain --- p.89 === Chapter 4.1.2.2 --- The relation between tone sandhi domains and morphological units --- p.91 === Chapter 4.1.2.3 --- Mismatch between tone sandhi domain and syntactic unit --- p.93 === Chapter 4.1.3 --- Interim summary --- p.95 === Chapter 4.2 --- CONSTRAINTS ON SUZHOU TONE SANDHI PATTERNS --- p.96 === Chapter 4.2.1 --- Constraints on the structure of the prosodic word --- p.96 === Chapter 4.2.2 --- Constraints on tone retention --- p.99 === Chapter 4.2.3 --- Constraints on contour tone prohibition --- p.101 === Chapter 4.2.4 --- Constraint on tonal assignment --- p.102 === Chapter 4.3 --- PREDICTING TONE SANDHI PATTERNS BY CONSTRAINT RANKING --- p.104 === Chapter 4.3.1 --- Predicting tone sandhi patterns in transliterations --- p.104 === Chapter 4.3.2 --- Predicting tone sandhi patterns in compounds --- p.110 === Chapter 4.3.2.1 --- Intra-speaker variations in compounds: [HL.L]~[HL.H] --- p.110 === Chapter 4.3.2.3 --- Inter-speaker variations in compounds: [LL.H]~[LH.L] --- p.113 === Chapter 4.3.2.4 --- Tone sandhi in fast speech tempo --- p.117 === Chapter 4.4 --- SUMMARY --- p.119 === Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- CONCLUSION --- p.120 === LIST OF REFERENCES --- p.125