香港廢妾進程及言論分析(1948-1971): The abolishment of concubinage in Hong Kong : an analysis of its process and opinions on the issue (1948-1971).

• Other Authors: 葉嘉茵 (author.)
• Format: Others
• Language: Chinese; English
• Published: 2014
• Subjects: Concubinage; Concubinage > China > Hong Kong; Women's studies
• Online Access: http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6116329; http://repository.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/en/item/cuhk-1202908

本文闡述香港確立一夫一妻婚姻制度的經過，說明殖民地政府、支持或反對廢妾的人士或組織之間的互動及論辯，並解釋立法廢妾的緩慢進程。 === 爭取立法廢妾的進程可分為三個階段。第一階段(1948-1956年)始於史德鄰委員會的成立，該會研究修訂華人婚姻法例，建議政府立例在指定日期後禁止納妾。由於殖民地政府視婚姻制度為華人事務，未有積極推動改革，而且政府依賴男性華人精英管理華人社區，而當時華人精英納妾風氣盛行，政府根本難以杜絶此風，加上華人精英代表羅文錦大力反對廢妾，政府正好藉此擱置婚姻改革。 === 此外，從有關廢妾的論述看，社會上性別平等意識滯後，婦女團體將妾侍問題歸咎於女子的責任；有男性華人精英認為妾侍可以延嗣及侍疾。惟亦有持開明思想的男性華人同情妾侍的處境，主張立法革除不合時宜的習俗，但這種聲音仍未足以帶來太大改變。 === 在廢妾進程的第二階段(1957-1964)中，婦女團體不滿殖民地政府擱置婚姻條例改革，她們積極推動廢妾的工作。殖民地政府於是委任華民政務司展開第二次研究工作，惟有關報告竟建議政府應任由妾侍制度自然死亡，故政府沒有展開任何立法廢妾的行動。但婦女團體的性別平等意識已有所提高，她們批評男子濫用妾侍制度及政府施政不公，並採用社會平等的觀念以合理化廢妾要求。 === 六十年代中，立法廢妾工作進入第三階段（1965-1971)。英國簽署聯合國條約及人權宣言，使殖民地政府深感改革華人婚姻制度的迫切性。遂委任爭取廢妾的婦女團體領袖-李曹秀群-為立法局議員，於建制內推動廢妾工作，包括游說其他議員、爭取新界居民支持改革及修改法例用辭等。 === 「六七暴動」令立法廢妾的工作受阻，但事件改變了殖民地政府管治香港的模式，華民政務司易名為民政司，意味著昔日政府不干預華人習俗的理由不再存在。同時，華人婚姻家庭觀念改變，女性教育及經濟地位提升，加上社會推崇節育優生，令納妾的需求降低。至於輿論方面，反對廢妾的聲音紛紜，而支持廢妾者則不再只針對妾侍本人，轉而強調妾侍制度對女性的不公及所造成的歧視。一九七零年，立法局通過〈婚姻修訂條例〉，翌年生效，正式廢除妾侍制度，確立一夫一妻制，漫長的爭取廢妾過程于焉告終，惟其遲緩曲折關乎殖民地統治模式及其性別意涵，值得深究。 === 本文嘗試從殖民地政府對華人的管治方式及性別角度，解釋香港立法廢妾來遲的因由。對有關論述作者採文本分析法，透過對政府與支持及反對廢妾者的言論內容、修辭技巧等方面的分析，展示出不同時期中有關人士或組織的立場，並指出他們採用哪些策略來增強說服力。論文也結合時代背景和殖民地社會變化，揭示在各階段中出現各種不同論述的語境。 === 總括而言，香港在爭取立法廢妾的過程中，婦女團體面對來自殖民地政府及華人男性精英的壓力，也因內部的不團結和策略的局限性，以及參政力薄的弱點，成效不彰，整個過程特別漫長。直至殖民地政府對華人的管治方式在各種内外衝擊下發生變化，而香港在社會、教育、經濟和政制上的發展，也配合家庭、婚姻和性別觀念的轉變及婦女團體的成長，帶來突破，妾侍制度才終於正式廢除。 === This study illustrates the process of the abolishment of concubinage in Hong Kong and analyzes the interactions and debates between the colonial government and different social groups for or against the Chinese custom of concubine keeping. === The process of abolition of concubinage can be divided into three phases. The first phase (1948-1956) began with the establishment of the Strickland Committee to study the need to revise the Chinese marriage law. The committee proposed legislation against concubinage, but the government shelved the reform using the excuse of the objection of Lo Man-kam, a renowned representative of the Chinese community. As the colonial government treated the reform of marriage system as the colonized Chinese’s own business and relied on the Chinese male elites to manage the Chinese community, in which it was common for the wealthy men to keep concubines, the government then was not under any pressure to abolish concubinage. === As for Hong Kong society at large, gender and social equality was not yet a popular appeal. Even some women’s groups thought that women themselves were responsible for the problem of concubinage. Many Chinese males took in concubines to bear male offspring and serve as nurses. Some enlightened Chinese males showed sympathy to concubines and advocated for legislation to abolish the outdated custom of concubine keeping. But their voices were not strong enough to bring any changes. === In the second phase (1957-1964), women’s groups actively promoted the abolition of concubinage owing to their growing dissatisfaction with government’s delay to reform the Chinese marriage system. The colonial government then appointed the Secretary of Chinese Affairs to launch the second study of the issue. Since the Secretary opted for "natural disappearance" of the Chinese custom of concubinage in the future instead of legislation to abolish it, the government did not promote any reform. With the rising awareness of social and gender equality among women’s groups, however, they criticized the abuse of concubinage by males and the government’s unjust policy on the issue. To justify their arguments, the concept of social equality was often quoted in their discourses. === In the third phase (1965-1971), the colonial government was under the pressure to reform the Chinese marriage law when the British government signed the pacts of the United Nations. The government hence appointed the main leader of the women’s groups, Ellen Li, as a member of the Legislative Council to prepare for the abolition of concubinage with efforts including the work to solicit the support of other members of the Legislative Council as well as villagers in the New Territories. === Hong Kong’s 1967 Incident interrupted the process of legislation to reform the Chinese marriage system. It paradoxically also changed the style of colonial governance. The change of the title of the Secretary of Chinese Affairs to the Secretary of Home Affairs implied that the rationale behind the colonial policy of "non-intervention" in Chinese customs was no longer valid. Meanwhile, the need for concubines declined along with the change of the views of marriage and family among the Chinese population, the promotion of birth control, and the rise of educational and economic status of women. === In this phase, opinions against the abolition of concubinage were diversified and those supporting reform emphasized that the old system caused injustice and discrimination towards women. In 1970, The Legislative Council passed the Marriage Reform Ordinance, taking effect one year later. Not until then did the prolonged process of the abolishment of concubinage finally end. To understand the crux of the problem, as this thesis demonstrates, we need to historicize Hong Kong’s colonial governance from a gender perspective. === By engendering the history of Hong Kong colonial governance with regard to the issue of Chinese marriage custom, this thesis explains why it took such a lengthy period of more than a couple of decades to establish a system of monogamy for Hong Kong’s Chinese population, lagging far behind other Chinese societies in the world, including mainland China and Taiwan. Adopting the methodology of textual analysis, the author discusses the changes in different discourses on the issue of concubinage. Contextual analysis, which entails a study of the responses of the colonial government and different social groups to social and ideological changes of the time, was also conducted to explain why the above mentioned changes took place. === In sum, for decades the voices to abolish concubinage by women’s groups in Hong Kong proved too feeble owing to their own limitations and lack of political potency in front of the overpowering colonial government and patriarchal Chinese male elites. Not until changes in colonial governance as well as society in areas of education, economy, consciousness and so on took place along with the growth of women’s groups under internal and external sociopolitical impact was the age-old custom of concubine keeping officially abolished in the colony. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === Detailed summary in vernacular field only. === 葉嘉茵. === Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. === Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-218). === Abstracts also in Chinese. === Ye Jiayin.