The syntax of WH-expressions as variables in Thai
This dissertation presents an in-depth examination of Thai wh-expression as variables. I claim that wh-expressions are variables with no inherent interrogative force. As variables, they acquire different interpretations in different contexts. A syntactic relation between the operator and the vari...
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ndltd-UBC-oai-circle.library.ubc.ca-2429-171022018-01-05T17:38:44Z The syntax of WH-expressions as variables in Thai Ruangjaroon, Sugunya This dissertation presents an in-depth examination of Thai wh-expression as variables. I claim that wh-expressions are variables with no inherent interrogative force. As variables, they acquire different interpretations in different contexts. A syntactic relation between the operator and the variable is implemented in terms of the probe-goal relation (Chomsky 2000). The probe-goal relation is established by the operation of Match. In Thai, a goal (as a variable) is "underspecified" for featural content. A feature specified on the probe is copied onto the underspecified goal, thereby satisfying feature matching. In wh-contexts, the probe is identified as a covert interrogative Q[[sub wh]]. The [wh] feature of the probe Q is copied onto the underspecified goal. I argue that the probe-goal relation is established via Match (without Move). The covert Q[[sub wh]] probe is base-generated in C. In the context of negation, a goal matches the [neg] feature on the Neg probe, hence functioning as a Negative Polarity Item (NPI). In a yes-no construction, the goal matches the [polarity] feature on the Q[[sub polarity]] probe, functioning as an Existential Polarity Item (EPI). The probe-goal relation is predictably constrained by the c-command relation and locality conditions. In addition to wh in-situ, it appears there is also partial and long-distance wh-movement in Thai. However, contrary to superficial appearances, I argue that the probe-goal relation in Thai does not involve Move. In particular, I show that apparent cases of movement actually involve two distinct types of cleft constructions. The first I analyze as reduced contrastive wh-clefts with bare wh-expressions. The second I analyze as reduced identificational wh-clefts with D-linked wh-expressions. Semantically and syntactically, contrastive wh-clefts differ from identificational wh-clefts. Contrastive wh-clefts are formed with the overt copula (pen), a definite marker (t[sup h]î) and a nominalized clause. Identificational wh-clefts, on the other hand, are formed with the overt copula (k[sup h]i) and a relative clause. Arts, Faculty of Linguistics, Department of Graduate 2009-12-23T00:46:04Z 2009-12-23T00:46:04Z 2005 2005-11 Text Thesis/Dissertation http://hdl.handle.net/2429/17102 eng For non-commercial purposes only, such as research, private study and education. Additional conditions apply, see Terms of Use https://open.library.ubc.ca/terms_of_use. |
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NDLTD |
language |
English |
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NDLTD |
description |
This dissertation presents an in-depth examination of Thai wh-expression as variables. I claim
that wh-expressions are variables with no inherent interrogative force. As variables, they
acquire different interpretations in different contexts. A syntactic relation between the operator
and the variable is implemented in terms of the probe-goal relation (Chomsky 2000). The
probe-goal relation is established by the operation of Match. In Thai, a goal (as a variable) is
"underspecified" for featural content. A feature specified on the probe is copied onto the
underspecified goal, thereby satisfying feature matching.
In wh-contexts, the probe is identified as a covert interrogative Q[[sub wh]]. The [wh] feature of the
probe Q is copied onto the underspecified goal. I argue that the probe-goal relation is
established via Match (without Move). The covert Q[[sub wh]] probe is base-generated in C. In the
context of negation, a goal matches the [neg] feature on the Neg probe, hence functioning as a
Negative Polarity Item (NPI). In a yes-no construction, the goal matches the [polarity] feature
on the Q[[sub polarity]] probe, functioning as an Existential Polarity Item (EPI). The probe-goal relation
is predictably constrained by the c-command relation and locality conditions.
In addition to wh in-situ, it appears there is also partial and long-distance wh-movement in Thai.
However, contrary to superficial appearances, I argue that the probe-goal relation in Thai does
not involve Move. In particular, I show that apparent cases of movement actually involve two
distinct types of cleft constructions. The first I analyze as reduced contrastive wh-clefts with
bare wh-expressions. The second I analyze as reduced identificational wh-clefts with D-linked
wh-expressions. Semantically and syntactically, contrastive wh-clefts differ from
identificational wh-clefts. Contrastive wh-clefts are formed with the overt copula (pen), a
definite marker (t[sup h]î) and a nominalized clause. Identificational wh-clefts, on the other hand, are
formed with the overt copula (k[sup h]i) and a relative clause. === Arts, Faculty of === Linguistics, Department of === Graduate |
author |
Ruangjaroon, Sugunya |
spellingShingle |
Ruangjaroon, Sugunya The syntax of WH-expressions as variables in Thai |
author_facet |
Ruangjaroon, Sugunya |
author_sort |
Ruangjaroon, Sugunya |
title |
The syntax of WH-expressions as variables in Thai |
title_short |
The syntax of WH-expressions as variables in Thai |
title_full |
The syntax of WH-expressions as variables in Thai |
title_fullStr |
The syntax of WH-expressions as variables in Thai |
title_full_unstemmed |
The syntax of WH-expressions as variables in Thai |
title_sort |
syntax of wh-expressions as variables in thai |
publishDate |
2009 |
url |
http://hdl.handle.net/2429/17102 |
work_keys_str_mv |
AT ruangjaroonsugunya thesyntaxofwhexpressionsasvariablesinthai AT ruangjaroonsugunya syntaxofwhexpressionsasvariablesinthai |
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1718590435497082880 |