The Re-Chinalization in Taiwan after World WarⅡ,1945-1991

• Main Authors: Ming-Shian Tsai, 蔡明賢
• Other Authors: 黃秀政
• Format: Others
• Language: zh-TW
• Published: 2017
• Online Access: http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/86842576210073803352

博士 === 國立中興大學 === 歷史學系所 === 105 === After WWII , the Taiwan Provincial Governor''s Office formulated the policy of "de-Japanization" and "re-Chinalization" which included correcting street names, city and county names and nationality, banning Japanese books, movies and newspapers, prohibiting the Japanese language in schools, and requesting school teachers to receive extensive "Chinalization" education. In the Mandarin Movement, the "Mandarin Daily" newspaper was established to encourage the restoration of dialects. However, as the community still needed to use Japanese, a slowdown in the prohibition of the Japanese language was advocated. The cultural conflict between "de-Japanization" and "re-Chinalization" was demonstrated in the February 28 Incident. The phenomenon of restoration of "Japanization" showed up in the incident, and the government advocated the strengthening of "Chinalization" education. In the factional struggle, the criticism of Wei-Chuan Chiang and Hsian-Tang Lin as the "the emperor''s gentlemen" was in line with the politically correct "de-Japanization" principle. Many school teachers and students participated in the Incident, and after the Incident the "Chinalization" education continued to be strengthened. This showed the state machine’s domination of education. From the reconstruction of Koxinga Shrine in Tainan and Shinto temples to the grand annual occasion of Zheng Cheng-Gong''s worship, the authorities clearly tried to use the image of Zheng to educate the people. The terms of “Taiwan restoration” and “Taiwan development” associated with the 300th anniversary of Zheng’s landing involve the "Chinalization" ideology. The fact that Taipei and Tainan rushed to build Zheng''s bronze statues reflects that his national spirit can be a model for the people. Zheng’s imagery also involves the "anti-communist" and "anti-colonial" stance. The authorities continued to associate Zheng''s spirit with "fighting back to the mainland", and abused Zheng''s imagery to achieve the political purpose of "Chinalization". The Shinto shrines represent "Japanization". After the war their purposes, ownerships and usages were changed, and most of them were converted into martyrs’ shrines. In the 1970s when the country faced diplomatic difficulties, the government also tried to remove the Shinto shrines’ "Japanization imagery" to promote the national spirit, and built the "five hundred perfect martyrs of Taiyuan" image to associated Taiwan with the civil war between Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and used the "Remote Worship of the Yellow Emperor’s Tomb" ceremony as a means of political control within the martyrs’ shrine. The National Revolution Martyrs’ Shrine in Taipei built in March 1969 can be used as a representative of the martyrdom buildings of "Chinalization", and Taiwanese anti-Japanese armed martyrs such as Ching-Fang Yu were put on the worship list. 　　Both Kuomintang and Chiang Kai-shek paid much attention to the national spirit. In the 1950s, "de-Japanization" continued, and the Japanese language is banned from schools, buildings, street names, documents and notes and government organizations. At that time, the principle of national spiritual education was repeatedly promulgated to uphold "Chinese culture" and "Kuomintang education" only. Textbooks of national language, history and geography at all levels of schools are flooded with "Kuomintang education" to teach students to "be a dignified Chinese". Basic Chinese culture teaching materials were added to the senior high school curriculum, and calligraphy practice was added to the junior high school curriculum. The "Chinese culture" literacy was used to teach students to identify themselves with traditional Chinese Confucianism and culture. After the Cultural Revolution in China, Taiwan launched the Chinese Culture Renaissance Movement and reached the peak of "Chinalization", and combined it with the national life consciousness. At the time the Republic of China exited from the United Nations, it launched the "Self-respect and Self-reliance" campaign. In the 1970s, TV programs in dialects were repeatedly criticized by national language guardians, rules for festivals and the use of the national banner, the national anthem and the pictures of Dr. Sun Yat Sen and Chiang Kai-shek was established, and it was expressly stipulated that the national anthem must be sung before the showing of a movie. The "Confucius" image was used to create the Chinese Confucian-first culture, and the Confucius Birthday Memorial Approach was established. In the 1970s, attention was paid to the Confucian tradition, and the Confucius Temples in Taipei, Taichung and Kaohsiung were either built or re--built. The origins of Taiwanese people’s surnames can reflect that "Taiwanese people are also Chinese people", and the Chinese Culture Renaissance Movement also attached importance to the traditional Han-Chinese folk arts. 　Before the lifting of the Martial Law, the opposition clan questioned the "Chinalization" policy, criticized Confucius, textbooks and the national language movement, and formed a dialectical relationship between "Chinalization" and "de-Chinalization". In the 1980s, the "Taiwan emotional entanglement" and "China emotional entanglement" issues reflected people’s dissatisfaction with the favoring of "Chinalization". In June 1991, the national anthem was removed before the movie, and the democratization reform enjoyed its first success. In November 1981, the Council for Cultural Affairs, Executive Yuan was established, and the revival of the Chinese culture took a turn to convert traditional folk arts into "revival of Chinese culture" or the spirit of "cultural Chinalization", and "localization" began to merge with "Chinalization". In March 1991, the “Chinese Culture Renaissance Movement Promotion Committee" was reorganized into the "Cultural Council", and at the end of the same year the National Assembly held a comprehensive re-election. These symbolized the end of the "Chinalization" policy. In the past, both "Japanization" and "localization" had conflicts with "Chinalization", but a diversified Taiwanese society can accommodate the three and have them go hand in hand. "Chinalization" and "localization" do not necessarily mean a stance of unification or independence.