Relations between Japan and Africa in the Post-Cold War Era

碩士 === 國立政治大學 === 外交學系 === 104 === This study examines the relations between Japan and Africa in the post-Cold War era with points of profits. The author explores domestic implementation of international aid regimes in Japan to find how Japan’s policy towards Africa and its pursuited state profi...

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Main Authors: Lin, Hsiu-Feng, 林秀鳳
Other Authors: Liou, To-Hai
Format: Others
Language:zh-TW
Published: 2016
Online Access:http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4fpy4w
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spelling ndltd-TW-104NCCU50920122019-05-15T22:34:53Z http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4fpy4w Relations between Japan and Africa in the Post-Cold War Era 冷戰後日本與非洲關係 Lin, Hsiu-Feng 林秀鳳 碩士 國立政治大學 外交學系 104 This study examines the relations between Japan and Africa in the post-Cold War era with points of profits. The author explores domestic implementation of international aid regimes in Japan to find how Japan’s policy towards Africa and its pursuited state profits have changed. Japan’s engagement with Africa mainly focuses on the pursuit of two profits. The political one is status of superpower and its bid to a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council; the economic one is the energy /resource security and its overseas business expansion. During the Cold War, Japan only pursued economic profits from Africa utill the opening of Tokyo International Conference on African Development, TICAD I in 1993, a symbol of political profits pursuing. The MOFA set up TICAD I as a forum to follow the international issues, solving African problems while maintaining its power among other departments. In 1990s, TICADs, held by the MOFA alone, provided aid and technical assistance to maintain Japan-Africa partnership. The MOFA also promoted the South-South Cooperration to gain economic profits while businessmen, beaurocrats in the MOF and the METI as well as the FDP politicians were Asia-centric and uninterested in Africa. When SEIWAKEN, led by Ichiro Koizumi, got strong in 2001, a politician-led government was formed. Whenever the prime minister turned his attention towards Africa, the power of the MOFA outweighs others, as the number of ambassadors and JICA offices in Africa increased. Some African countries, like Egypt, South Africa and Ethiopia are politically important to Japan. Failure to bid for a permanent seat on the UNSC in 2005 made Japan realize that it should stengthen its partnership with Africa if it tries to gain political profits. Political profits became Japan’s priority. First, the ODA allocation showed that, compared to decreasing one in Asia, the share in Africa has never decreased even though the budget is shrinking on the whole. On the contrary, Economy in Africa is soaring with an average of 6% since the 21st centur, which attracts business investments. Economic Giant Policy which the METI once promoted to pursue economic profits came to life again. The trade pattern between Japan and Africa doesn’t change much; however, Japan relies on Africa’s resource for sure since its trade with Africa became deficit in 2001. Japan’s FDI to Africa grow. Investments in non-manufacture like fundamentals, service and financial industry are much more than those in manufacture. Besides, Japan’s humanitarian aid increase in Western Africa also shows its priority in political profits. Until the Ebola virus offbreak in December 2013, Japan’s most foreign aid was sent to Eastern Africa. It can be concluded from the TICADs that Japan is transcending from follower to a leader in United Nations aid regime. Japan and Africa are economically beneficial. However, it is not clear if they will be politically beneficial profits in the future. Liou, To-Hai 劉德海 2016 學位論文 ; thesis 166 zh-TW
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description 碩士 === 國立政治大學 === 外交學系 === 104 === This study examines the relations between Japan and Africa in the post-Cold War era with points of profits. The author explores domestic implementation of international aid regimes in Japan to find how Japan’s policy towards Africa and its pursuited state profits have changed. Japan’s engagement with Africa mainly focuses on the pursuit of two profits. The political one is status of superpower and its bid to a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council; the economic one is the energy /resource security and its overseas business expansion. During the Cold War, Japan only pursued economic profits from Africa utill the opening of Tokyo International Conference on African Development, TICAD I in 1993, a symbol of political profits pursuing. The MOFA set up TICAD I as a forum to follow the international issues, solving African problems while maintaining its power among other departments. In 1990s, TICADs, held by the MOFA alone, provided aid and technical assistance to maintain Japan-Africa partnership. The MOFA also promoted the South-South Cooperration to gain economic profits while businessmen, beaurocrats in the MOF and the METI as well as the FDP politicians were Asia-centric and uninterested in Africa. When SEIWAKEN, led by Ichiro Koizumi, got strong in 2001, a politician-led government was formed. Whenever the prime minister turned his attention towards Africa, the power of the MOFA outweighs others, as the number of ambassadors and JICA offices in Africa increased. Some African countries, like Egypt, South Africa and Ethiopia are politically important to Japan. Failure to bid for a permanent seat on the UNSC in 2005 made Japan realize that it should stengthen its partnership with Africa if it tries to gain political profits. Political profits became Japan’s priority. First, the ODA allocation showed that, compared to decreasing one in Asia, the share in Africa has never decreased even though the budget is shrinking on the whole. On the contrary, Economy in Africa is soaring with an average of 6% since the 21st centur, which attracts business investments. Economic Giant Policy which the METI once promoted to pursue economic profits came to life again. The trade pattern between Japan and Africa doesn’t change much; however, Japan relies on Africa’s resource for sure since its trade with Africa became deficit in 2001. Japan’s FDI to Africa grow. Investments in non-manufacture like fundamentals, service and financial industry are much more than those in manufacture. Besides, Japan’s humanitarian aid increase in Western Africa also shows its priority in political profits. Until the Ebola virus offbreak in December 2013, Japan’s most foreign aid was sent to Eastern Africa. It can be concluded from the TICADs that Japan is transcending from follower to a leader in United Nations aid regime. Japan and Africa are economically beneficial. However, it is not clear if they will be politically beneficial profits in the future.
author2 Liou, To-Hai
author_facet Liou, To-Hai
Lin, Hsiu-Feng
林秀鳳
author Lin, Hsiu-Feng
林秀鳳
spellingShingle Lin, Hsiu-Feng
林秀鳳
Relations between Japan and Africa in the Post-Cold War Era
author_sort Lin, Hsiu-Feng
title Relations between Japan and Africa in the Post-Cold War Era
title_short Relations between Japan and Africa in the Post-Cold War Era
title_full Relations between Japan and Africa in the Post-Cold War Era
title_fullStr Relations between Japan and Africa in the Post-Cold War Era
title_full_unstemmed Relations between Japan and Africa in the Post-Cold War Era
title_sort relations between japan and africa in the post-cold war era
publishDate 2016
url http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4fpy4w
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