| Summary: | 碩士 === 國立清華大學 === 語言學研究所 === 101 === This thesis provides an induction-based, descriptive study of verbal morphology in Puljetji Paiwan. It covers three topics: verb classification, affixation, and reduplication. Verb classification provides a base to discuss affixation and reduplication, the two primary morphological processes in Puljetji Paiwan.
This thesis proposes that verbs in Puljetji Paiwan can be classified into five classes on the basis of morphological criteria (e.g. pattern of morph alternation that each verb exhibits). The five classes of verbs in Puljetji Paiwan are: (i) verbs with ma-/ka- alternation, (ii) verbs with Ø/ka- alternation, (iii) verbs with <em>/Ø alternation, (iv) verbs with m/p alternation, and (v) verbs without overt alternation. The first two classes of verbs can be referred to as ‘stative verbs’ because they are characterized by the marking of ka-1 ‘stative; stative gerundivization’ on their alternant forms. The last three classes of verbs are not marked by ka-1 in triggering environments of morph alternation and are thus referred to as ‘non-stative verbs’.
This thesis also studies the syntactic and semantic contrasts between indicative actor voice (AV) forms and their corresponding alternant forms and reaches two findings. First, both forms can be analyzed as syntactically-defined nominals. Second, indicative AV forms usually denote agentive/non-gerundive and/or active meanings while their corresponding alternant forms express non-agentive/gerundive and/or inactive meanings. These findings (summarized as the ‘gerundive hypothesis’), together with the fact that <em> can be further attached to syntactically-defined AV verbs such as stative verbs with Ø/ka- alternation and non-stative verbs marked with k- or p-initial affixes, strongly imply that <em> primarily marks agentivity (and/or activity) rather than indicative actor voice in Puljetji Paiwan.
After studying the forms and functions of some 120 affixes in Puljetji Paiwan, this thesis shows that many semantically-defined stative and locative affixes, which usually take unambiguous nominal bases, have been used to derive words with verbal roots. This fact suggests that verbal roots in Puljetji Paiwan may not be so ‘verbal’ as we could expect. Instead, they are semantically (as well as syntactically) more nominal-like.
This thesis also shows that reduplication in Puljetji Paiwan typically encodes iconic functions. Root reduplication marks iconic meanings across different verb classes and thus cannot be used to evaluate the proposed verb classification in Puljetji Paiwan. Total reduplication is also not taken into consideration because it is no longer used in word-formation. By contrast, Ca- reduplication may be used to discuss verb classification because it usually mark distributive (and/or reciprocal) on non-stative verbal roots.
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