On the bare classifier phrase in Mandarin Chinese

• Main Authors: Chen, Ching Perng, 陳景芃
• Other Authors: Her, One Soon
• Format: Others
• Language: en_US
• Online Access: http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/20088691897843496942

碩士 === 國立政治大學 === 語言學研究所 === 101 === This thesis investigates the distribution of the bare classifier phrase [CL+N] in Mandarin Chinese. Previous studies argue that [CL+N] is the phonological reduction of the indefinite numeral classifier phrase [yi+CL+N] (Lu 1990, Chen 2004), and it cannot occur in subject or topic position because [yi+CL+N] in these positions are never considered indefinite (Cheng & Sybesma 1999/2005, Li 1998, Huang, Li & Li 2009). Two predictions are made from these analyses. First, all indefinite [yi+CL+N] can be reduced to [CL+N], and second, [CL+N] only occurs in positions which are considered indefinite. However, it is easily found in Mandarin Chinese that numeral classifier phrase denoting quantity can also be reduced to bare classifier phrase [CL+N], and that not all [CL+N] occur in indefinite positions. In other words, previous studies simply explain the occurrence of [CL+N], but fail to predict the occurrence of [CL+N]. With a close examination, I suggest that numeral classifier phrase [yi+CL+N] denoting quantity can also be reduced to bare classifier phrase [CL+N] except occurring in contrastive contexts. Also, I adopt the clitic account on classifiers in Mandarin since they share many properties with clitics. Morphologically, classifiers in Mandarin never appear in isolation but attach to preceding elements. Syntactically, they are free to cliticize to hosts belonging to different categories but are not subject to syntactic roles. Phonologically, classifiers in Mandarin subcategorize their hosts within a maximal number of moras. Therefore, I argue that it is not (in)definiteness that decides the occurrence of the bare classifier [CL+N] but whether it can find a legal host to cliticize. Constraints concerning to the legal hosts will also be discuss in detail in my thesis.