Chance elections, social distancing restrictions, and KENTUCKY's early COVID-19 experience.

Early in the pandemic, slowing the spread of novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) relied on non-pharmaceutical interventions. All U.S. states adopted social-distancing restrictions in March and April of 2020, though policies varied both in timing and scope. Compared to states with Democratic go...

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Main Authors: Charles Courtemanche, Joseph Garuccio, Anh Le, Joshua Pinkston, Aaron Yelowitz
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Public Library of Science (PLoS) 2021-01-01
Series:PLoS ONE
Online Access:https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0250152
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spelling doaj-d1f6fd61bd6e464a90de6cbeedc41c0d2021-07-17T04:31:13ZengPublic Library of Science (PLoS)PLoS ONE1932-62032021-01-01167e025015210.1371/journal.pone.0250152Chance elections, social distancing restrictions, and KENTUCKY's early COVID-19 experience.Charles CourtemancheJoseph GaruccioAnh LeJoshua PinkstonAaron YelowitzEarly in the pandemic, slowing the spread of novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) relied on non-pharmaceutical interventions. All U.S. states adopted social-distancing restrictions in March and April of 2020, though policies varied both in timing and scope. Compared to states with Democratic governors, those with Republican governors often adopted measures for shorter durations and with greater resistance from their residents. In Kentucky, an extremely close gubernatorial election immediately prior to the discovery of SARS-CoV-2 replaced a Republican incumbent with a Democrat, despite Republicans easily winning all other statewide races. This chance election result offers a unique opportunity to examine the impact of early social distancing policies in a relatively conservative, rural, white-working-class state. Our study begins by estimating an event-study model to link adoption of several common social distancing measures-public school closures, bans on large gatherings, closures of entertainment-related businesses such as restaurants, and shelter-in-place orders (SIPOs)-to the growth rate of cases across counties in the Midwest and South in the early stages of the pandemic. These policies combined to slow the daily growth rate of COVID-19 cases by 9 percentage points after 16 days, with SIPOs and entertainment establishment closures accounting for the entire effect. In order to obtain results with more direct applicability to Kentucky, we then estimate a model that interacts the policy variables with a "white working class" index characterized by political conservatism, rurality, and high percentages of white, evangelical Christian residents without college degrees. We find that the effectiveness of early social distancing measures decreased with higher values of this index. The results imply that the restrictions combined to slow the spread of COVID-19 by 12 percentage points per day in Kentucky's two largest urban counties but had no statistically detectable effect across the rest of the state.https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0250152
collection DOAJ
language English
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Charles Courtemanche
Joseph Garuccio
Anh Le
Joshua Pinkston
Aaron Yelowitz
spellingShingle Charles Courtemanche
Joseph Garuccio
Anh Le
Joshua Pinkston
Aaron Yelowitz
Chance elections, social distancing restrictions, and KENTUCKY's early COVID-19 experience.
PLoS ONE
author_facet Charles Courtemanche
Joseph Garuccio
Anh Le
Joshua Pinkston
Aaron Yelowitz
author_sort Charles Courtemanche
title Chance elections, social distancing restrictions, and KENTUCKY's early COVID-19 experience.
title_short Chance elections, social distancing restrictions, and KENTUCKY's early COVID-19 experience.
title_full Chance elections, social distancing restrictions, and KENTUCKY's early COVID-19 experience.
title_fullStr Chance elections, social distancing restrictions, and KENTUCKY's early COVID-19 experience.
title_full_unstemmed Chance elections, social distancing restrictions, and KENTUCKY's early COVID-19 experience.
title_sort chance elections, social distancing restrictions, and kentucky's early covid-19 experience.
publisher Public Library of Science (PLoS)
series PLoS ONE
issn 1932-6203
publishDate 2021-01-01
description Early in the pandemic, slowing the spread of novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) relied on non-pharmaceutical interventions. All U.S. states adopted social-distancing restrictions in March and April of 2020, though policies varied both in timing and scope. Compared to states with Democratic governors, those with Republican governors often adopted measures for shorter durations and with greater resistance from their residents. In Kentucky, an extremely close gubernatorial election immediately prior to the discovery of SARS-CoV-2 replaced a Republican incumbent with a Democrat, despite Republicans easily winning all other statewide races. This chance election result offers a unique opportunity to examine the impact of early social distancing policies in a relatively conservative, rural, white-working-class state. Our study begins by estimating an event-study model to link adoption of several common social distancing measures-public school closures, bans on large gatherings, closures of entertainment-related businesses such as restaurants, and shelter-in-place orders (SIPOs)-to the growth rate of cases across counties in the Midwest and South in the early stages of the pandemic. These policies combined to slow the daily growth rate of COVID-19 cases by 9 percentage points after 16 days, with SIPOs and entertainment establishment closures accounting for the entire effect. In order to obtain results with more direct applicability to Kentucky, we then estimate a model that interacts the policy variables with a "white working class" index characterized by political conservatism, rurality, and high percentages of white, evangelical Christian residents without college degrees. We find that the effectiveness of early social distancing measures decreased with higher values of this index. The results imply that the restrictions combined to slow the spread of COVID-19 by 12 percentage points per day in Kentucky's two largest urban counties but had no statistically detectable effect across the rest of the state.
url https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0250152
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