Zu satzfinaler Subjektposition, Unakkusativität und C-Domäne im Jiddischen

The article examines structures of Yiddish clauses in which the kernel verb contains only one NP. The thematic role of an accessible NP is patient/theme, whereas the agent-NP remains vacant. It is assumed that a direct object of the type “X efent Y” (‘X opens Y’) and an accessible NP of the typ...

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Bibliographic Details
Main Author: Pawel Mecner
Format: Article
Language:deu
Published: Bern Open Publishing 2017-02-01
Series:Linguistik Online
Online Access:https://bop.unibe.ch/linguistik-online/article/view/3566
Description
Summary:The article examines structures of Yiddish clauses in which the kernel verb contains only one NP. The thematic role of an accessible NP is patient/theme, whereas the agent-NP remains vacant. It is assumed that a direct object of the type “X efent Y” (‘X opens Y’) and an accessible NP of the type “exists Y” appear in Yiddish in the clause-final position as a focalized subject. The study combines minimalist investigations and the cartographic approach, especially with regard to CP and IP/TP structures proposed in Rizzi (1997, 2004) and Belletti (1999) among others, and adopts the concept of functional topic/focus projections in the syntax of Yiddish. Investigations reveal possibilities of case assignment and feature checking in lower projection areas as well as the correlation between the topic projection of the C-domain and the clause-internal focus projection. A mechanism is assumed to combine precisely clause-final focalized subjects, unaccusatives and the C-domain including the following alternatives: (i) unmarked adverbials (PPs), (ii) expletive es and (iii) verb fronting. The analyzed structures have been observed in texts of Isaac Bashevis Singer (1931), Isaac Leib Peretz, (ed. 1920) and Fishl Bimko (1921) as well as in Yiddish daily newspaper Forverts.
ISSN:1615-3014