Obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languages

Abstract The present paper discusses evidence supporting the claim that the common Xinguan Arawak noun for ‘hand’, *wɨʂɨku, is a shared lexical innovation of this subgroup and that, in addition, a formation for ‘finger’ derived from a nominal compound with the roots for ‘hand’ and ‘head’, *kapɨ-tɨwɨ...

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Main Author: Fernando O. de Carvalho
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi
Series:Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas
Subjects:
Online Access:http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1981-81222016000100277&lng=en&tlng=en
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spelling doaj-c3259c37a90341f5830d88d3fe7849d22020-11-25T01:33:23ZengMuseu Paraense Emílio GoeldiBoletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas2178-254711127729410.1590/1981.81222016000100014S1981-81222016000100277Obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languagesFernando O. de CarvalhoAbstract The present paper discusses evidence supporting the claim that the common Xinguan Arawak noun for ‘hand’, *wɨʂɨku, is a shared lexical innovation of this subgroup and that, in addition, a formation for ‘finger’ derived from a nominal compound with the roots for ‘hand’ and ‘head’, *kapɨ-tɨwɨ, sets Waurá, Mehinaku and Kustenaú apart from other languages of the family, including Yawalapiti. The reconstructed Proto-Arawak etymon for ‘hand’, *kʰapɨ, is preserved in the Xinguan Arawak languages only in the form of obscure cognates, instantiating interesting developments in lexical semantics as well as a relatively uncommon sound change in Yawalapiti. The discussion incorporates and addresses the historical linguistic significance of the earliest documentation of the Xinguan Arawak languages, the material gathered by Karl von den Steinen in 1887-1888. The analyses and data discussed highlight serious shortcomings in some of the reconstructed forms and diachronic developments advanced by Payne (1991), such as the postulation of a shift *a > ɨ in Waurá and the reconstruction of syllable-final *h for the Proto-Arawak language, one of the most controversial aspects of his comparative study.http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1981-81222016000100277&lng=en&tlng=enXinguArawakHistorical linguisticsSound changeDiachronic Semantics
collection DOAJ
language English
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Fernando O. de Carvalho
spellingShingle Fernando O. de Carvalho
Obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languages
Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas
Xingu
Arawak
Historical linguistics
Sound change
Diachronic Semantics
author_facet Fernando O. de Carvalho
author_sort Fernando O. de Carvalho
title Obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languages
title_short Obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languages
title_full Obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languages
title_fullStr Obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languages
title_full_unstemmed Obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languages
title_sort obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the xinguan arawak languages
publisher Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi
series Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas
issn 2178-2547
description Abstract The present paper discusses evidence supporting the claim that the common Xinguan Arawak noun for ‘hand’, *wɨʂɨku, is a shared lexical innovation of this subgroup and that, in addition, a formation for ‘finger’ derived from a nominal compound with the roots for ‘hand’ and ‘head’, *kapɨ-tɨwɨ, sets Waurá, Mehinaku and Kustenaú apart from other languages of the family, including Yawalapiti. The reconstructed Proto-Arawak etymon for ‘hand’, *kʰapɨ, is preserved in the Xinguan Arawak languages only in the form of obscure cognates, instantiating interesting developments in lexical semantics as well as a relatively uncommon sound change in Yawalapiti. The discussion incorporates and addresses the historical linguistic significance of the earliest documentation of the Xinguan Arawak languages, the material gathered by Karl von den Steinen in 1887-1888. The analyses and data discussed highlight serious shortcomings in some of the reconstructed forms and diachronic developments advanced by Payne (1991), such as the postulation of a shift *a > ɨ in Waurá and the reconstruction of syllable-final *h for the Proto-Arawak language, one of the most controversial aspects of his comparative study.
topic Xingu
Arawak
Historical linguistics
Sound change
Diachronic Semantics
url http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1981-81222016000100277&lng=en&tlng=en
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