Constraints on German 'diese' demonstratives: language formality and subject-avoidance

Demonstrative pronouns in German occur in various paradigms such as 'die, diese, jene, diejenige, dieselbe', etc. Among these only the most frequent paradigm, die, has received attention from psycholinguistic research. In this paper, we investigate constraints on demonstrative pronouns fro...

Full description

Bibliographic Details
Main Authors: Umesh Patil, Peter Bosch, Stefan Hinterwimmer
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Open Library of Humanities 2020-02-01
Series:Glossa
Subjects:
Online Access:https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/962
id doaj-a4e792dbe6034d7794de3069cd84df8f
record_format Article
spelling doaj-a4e792dbe6034d7794de3069cd84df8f2021-09-02T14:15:58ZengOpen Library of HumanitiesGlossa2397-18352020-02-015110.5334/gjgl.962462Constraints on German 'diese' demonstratives: language formality and subject-avoidanceUmesh Patil0Peter Bosch1Stefan Hinterwimmer2IdSL I, University of Cologne; German studies, University of WuppertalInstitute of Cognitive Science, Osnabrück UniversityGerman studies, University of WuppertalDemonstrative pronouns in German occur in various paradigms such as 'die, diese, jene, diejenige, dieselbe', etc. Among these only the most frequent paradigm, die, has received attention from psycholinguistic research. In this paper, we investigate constraints on demonstrative pronouns from the 'diese' paradigm. Diese-demonstratives are considered to be limited to formal language by native speakers, and in contemporary grammar they are assumed to prefer the most recent or the last mentioned antecedent. If these constraints really hold, diese-demonstratives seem to behave very differently from die-demonstratives which have been shown to prefer the antecedent that is not maximally prominent. We report three forced-choice experiments that test the constraints of language formality, order of mention and prominence through subjecthood. The results demonstrate that diese-demonstratives strongly prefer the formal language register as expected by native speakers. However, instead of the last mentioned antecedent, they prefer the antecedent that is non-prominent in terms of subjecthood which is similar to the preference that has been reported in the literature for die-demonstratives. We suggest that in a restricted context diese-demonstratives are formal counterparts of die-demonstratives.https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/962anaphora resolutiondemonstrative pronounsgermanlanguage registersubjecthood
collection DOAJ
language English
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Umesh Patil
Peter Bosch
Stefan Hinterwimmer
spellingShingle Umesh Patil
Peter Bosch
Stefan Hinterwimmer
Constraints on German 'diese' demonstratives: language formality and subject-avoidance
Glossa
anaphora resolution
demonstrative pronouns
german
language register
subjecthood
author_facet Umesh Patil
Peter Bosch
Stefan Hinterwimmer
author_sort Umesh Patil
title Constraints on German 'diese' demonstratives: language formality and subject-avoidance
title_short Constraints on German 'diese' demonstratives: language formality and subject-avoidance
title_full Constraints on German 'diese' demonstratives: language formality and subject-avoidance
title_fullStr Constraints on German 'diese' demonstratives: language formality and subject-avoidance
title_full_unstemmed Constraints on German 'diese' demonstratives: language formality and subject-avoidance
title_sort constraints on german 'diese' demonstratives: language formality and subject-avoidance
publisher Open Library of Humanities
series Glossa
issn 2397-1835
publishDate 2020-02-01
description Demonstrative pronouns in German occur in various paradigms such as 'die, diese, jene, diejenige, dieselbe', etc. Among these only the most frequent paradigm, die, has received attention from psycholinguistic research. In this paper, we investigate constraints on demonstrative pronouns from the 'diese' paradigm. Diese-demonstratives are considered to be limited to formal language by native speakers, and in contemporary grammar they are assumed to prefer the most recent or the last mentioned antecedent. If these constraints really hold, diese-demonstratives seem to behave very differently from die-demonstratives which have been shown to prefer the antecedent that is not maximally prominent. We report three forced-choice experiments that test the constraints of language formality, order of mention and prominence through subjecthood. The results demonstrate that diese-demonstratives strongly prefer the formal language register as expected by native speakers. However, instead of the last mentioned antecedent, they prefer the antecedent that is non-prominent in terms of subjecthood which is similar to the preference that has been reported in the literature for die-demonstratives. We suggest that in a restricted context diese-demonstratives are formal counterparts of die-demonstratives.
topic anaphora resolution
demonstrative pronouns
german
language register
subjecthood
url https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/962
work_keys_str_mv AT umeshpatil constraintsongermandiesedemonstrativeslanguageformalityandsubjectavoidance
AT peterbosch constraintsongermandiesedemonstrativeslanguageformalityandsubjectavoidance
AT stefanhinterwimmer constraintsongermandiesedemonstrativeslanguageformalityandsubjectavoidance
_version_ 1721174590235869184