Apparent wh-in-situ in Bellunese: Microparametric variation in the locus of subject clitic inversion

The paper investigates 'wh-in-situ' in Lamonat and Sovramontino, two understudied varieties of the Bellunese super-dialect area (Munaro 1998; 1999; Munaro et al. 2001; Poletto & Pollock 2004; 2009; 2015), from a new perspective, whereby patterns of non-canonical 'wh'-constitu...

Full description

Bibliographic Details
Main Author: Simone De Cia
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Open Library of Humanities 2020-12-01
Series:Glossa
Subjects:
Online Access:https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/1167
id doaj-8a5ce8c3e8a449c3bd8770d831410159
record_format Article
spelling doaj-8a5ce8c3e8a449c3bd8770d8314101592021-09-02T20:51:36ZengOpen Library of HumanitiesGlossa2397-18352020-12-015110.5334/gjgl.1167565Apparent wh-in-situ in Bellunese: Microparametric variation in the locus of subject clitic inversionSimone De Cia0University of ManchesterThe paper investigates 'wh-in-situ' in Lamonat and Sovramontino, two understudied varieties of the Bellunese super-dialect area (Munaro 1998; 1999; Munaro et al. 2001; Poletto & Pollock 2004; 2009; 2015), from a new perspective, whereby patterns of non-canonical 'wh'-constituent order are dictated primarily by discourse-pragmatic needs and only secondarily by morpho-syntactic constraints. I propose that the canonical vs. non-canonical position of the 'wh'-element is determined by three factors: (i) the discourse-pragmatics of the 'wh'-item, (ii) its morpho-syntactic status as clitic or tonic, and (iii) the height of verb movement that targets the split C-domain (Rizzi 1997) and assures the well-formedness of root interrogatives across North-Eastern Italian Dialects (abbreviated NEIDs). By comparing Bellunese with Friulian (a neighbouring NEID) with respect to the formation of 'wh'-questions, I argue that the special 'in-situ' position of 'wh'-elements in Bellunese is only apparent: it is the result of a deeper micro-parametric variation in the left-peripheral projection targeted by T-to-C movement in questions across NEIDs, which can be either ForceP or FinP. In Bellunese root interrogatives, the left-peripheral head targeted by T-to-C movement, Force°, is higher than the left-peripheral position occupied by the 'wh'-element, SpecFocP, generating apparent 'wh-in-situ' and the rigid constituent order: verb, 'wh'-item, subject. Finally, I put forward the hypothesis that, in root interrogatives, such micro-parametric variation is a V2 reflex; in fact, Wolfe (2016) argues that, across medieval NIDs, V2 could be satisfied either in FinP or ForceP.https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/1167information structurenorthern italian dialectsroot interrogativessubject clitic inversionsyntactic microvariationwh-in-situ
collection DOAJ
language English
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Simone De Cia
spellingShingle Simone De Cia
Apparent wh-in-situ in Bellunese: Microparametric variation in the locus of subject clitic inversion
Glossa
information structure
northern italian dialects
root interrogatives
subject clitic inversion
syntactic microvariation
wh-in-situ
author_facet Simone De Cia
author_sort Simone De Cia
title Apparent wh-in-situ in Bellunese: Microparametric variation in the locus of subject clitic inversion
title_short Apparent wh-in-situ in Bellunese: Microparametric variation in the locus of subject clitic inversion
title_full Apparent wh-in-situ in Bellunese: Microparametric variation in the locus of subject clitic inversion
title_fullStr Apparent wh-in-situ in Bellunese: Microparametric variation in the locus of subject clitic inversion
title_full_unstemmed Apparent wh-in-situ in Bellunese: Microparametric variation in the locus of subject clitic inversion
title_sort apparent wh-in-situ in bellunese: microparametric variation in the locus of subject clitic inversion
publisher Open Library of Humanities
series Glossa
issn 2397-1835
publishDate 2020-12-01
description The paper investigates 'wh-in-situ' in Lamonat and Sovramontino, two understudied varieties of the Bellunese super-dialect area (Munaro 1998; 1999; Munaro et al. 2001; Poletto & Pollock 2004; 2009; 2015), from a new perspective, whereby patterns of non-canonical 'wh'-constituent order are dictated primarily by discourse-pragmatic needs and only secondarily by morpho-syntactic constraints. I propose that the canonical vs. non-canonical position of the 'wh'-element is determined by three factors: (i) the discourse-pragmatics of the 'wh'-item, (ii) its morpho-syntactic status as clitic or tonic, and (iii) the height of verb movement that targets the split C-domain (Rizzi 1997) and assures the well-formedness of root interrogatives across North-Eastern Italian Dialects (abbreviated NEIDs). By comparing Bellunese with Friulian (a neighbouring NEID) with respect to the formation of 'wh'-questions, I argue that the special 'in-situ' position of 'wh'-elements in Bellunese is only apparent: it is the result of a deeper micro-parametric variation in the left-peripheral projection targeted by T-to-C movement in questions across NEIDs, which can be either ForceP or FinP. In Bellunese root interrogatives, the left-peripheral head targeted by T-to-C movement, Force°, is higher than the left-peripheral position occupied by the 'wh'-element, SpecFocP, generating apparent 'wh-in-situ' and the rigid constituent order: verb, 'wh'-item, subject. Finally, I put forward the hypothesis that, in root interrogatives, such micro-parametric variation is a V2 reflex; in fact, Wolfe (2016) argues that, across medieval NIDs, V2 could be satisfied either in FinP or ForceP.
topic information structure
northern italian dialects
root interrogatives
subject clitic inversion
syntactic microvariation
wh-in-situ
url https://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/1167
work_keys_str_mv AT simonedecia apparentwhinsituinbellunesemicroparametricvariationinthelocusofsubjectcliticinversion
_version_ 1721169954117517312