The constructional pair "acredita nisso/acredita isso": syntactic distinction in use implies semantic-pragmatic difference

This paper investigates semantic-pragmatic distinctions in the "acredita isso/acredita nisso" pair of grammatical constructions in Portuguese, fostered by their syntactic differences and licensed by specific discursive contexts. Given the Cognitive Linguistcs’ theoretical framework, repres...

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Main Authors: Luiz Fernando Matos Rocha, Ana Carolina Neves Dias, Karina Carolina Vieira, Joice Carla Ribeiro da Silva
Format: Article
Language:Portuguese
Published: Universidade Federal Fluminense 2020-09-01
Series:Gragoatá
Subjects:
Online Access:https://periodicos.uff.br/gragoata/article/view/36586
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spelling doaj-79452f0912f2458f88db854f8eb984832020-11-25T01:46:22ZporUniversidade Federal FluminenseGragoatá1413-90732358-41142020-09-01255280983310.22409/gragoata.v25i52.3658620671The constructional pair "acredita nisso/acredita isso": syntactic distinction in use implies semantic-pragmatic differenceLuiz Fernando Matos Rocha0Ana Carolina Neves Dias1Karina Carolina Vieira2Joice Carla Ribeiro da Silva3Universidade Federal de Juiz de ForaUniversidade Federal de Juiz de ForaUniversidade Federal de Juiz de ForaUniversidade Federal de Juiz de ForaThis paper investigates semantic-pragmatic distinctions in the "acredita isso/acredita nisso" pair of grammatical constructions in Portuguese, fostered by their syntactic differences and licensed by specific discursive contexts. Given the Cognitive Linguistcs’ theoretical framework, represented here by authors such as Almeida (2010), Croft and Cruse (2004), Ferrari (2011), Goldberg (1995, 2006), Langacker (1999, 2007), Pascual (2014), and Talmy (2000), it postulates that the uses of "acredita isso", common to local counter-expectation contexts, involve a more subjective perspective about the scene evoked, and thus, by triggering the frame of perplexity or admiration, the speaker invokes this to himself rather than the addressee reaction; "acredita nisso", common to experienced counter-expectations and local counterposition contexts, encompasses a more objective perspective on the evoked scene, and by triggering the belief frame, the speaker evokes it for the other. The antecedent term anaphorically taken up by the pronoun “isso” shapes the addressee's conception, in a disjunctive perspective; whereas the antecedent term anaphorically taken up by the pronoun “nisso” shapes the speaker's own conception, in a conjunctive perspective. If the verb "acreditar" falls within the scope of negation, the pronoun “isso” shapes the speaker's own conception, and the pronoun “nisso” shapes the addressee's conception. The hypotheses were raised from data extracted from websites in Portuguese on the internet.https://periodicos.uff.br/gragoata/article/view/36586gramática das construções. fictividade. subjetividade. intersubjetividade. uso.
collection DOAJ
language Portuguese
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Luiz Fernando Matos Rocha
Ana Carolina Neves Dias
Karina Carolina Vieira
Joice Carla Ribeiro da Silva
spellingShingle Luiz Fernando Matos Rocha
Ana Carolina Neves Dias
Karina Carolina Vieira
Joice Carla Ribeiro da Silva
The constructional pair "acredita nisso/acredita isso": syntactic distinction in use implies semantic-pragmatic difference
Gragoatá
gramática das construções. fictividade. subjetividade. intersubjetividade. uso.
author_facet Luiz Fernando Matos Rocha
Ana Carolina Neves Dias
Karina Carolina Vieira
Joice Carla Ribeiro da Silva
author_sort Luiz Fernando Matos Rocha
title The constructional pair "acredita nisso/acredita isso": syntactic distinction in use implies semantic-pragmatic difference
title_short The constructional pair "acredita nisso/acredita isso": syntactic distinction in use implies semantic-pragmatic difference
title_full The constructional pair "acredita nisso/acredita isso": syntactic distinction in use implies semantic-pragmatic difference
title_fullStr The constructional pair "acredita nisso/acredita isso": syntactic distinction in use implies semantic-pragmatic difference
title_full_unstemmed The constructional pair "acredita nisso/acredita isso": syntactic distinction in use implies semantic-pragmatic difference
title_sort constructional pair "acredita nisso/acredita isso": syntactic distinction in use implies semantic-pragmatic difference
publisher Universidade Federal Fluminense
series Gragoatá
issn 1413-9073
2358-4114
publishDate 2020-09-01
description This paper investigates semantic-pragmatic distinctions in the "acredita isso/acredita nisso" pair of grammatical constructions in Portuguese, fostered by their syntactic differences and licensed by specific discursive contexts. Given the Cognitive Linguistcs’ theoretical framework, represented here by authors such as Almeida (2010), Croft and Cruse (2004), Ferrari (2011), Goldberg (1995, 2006), Langacker (1999, 2007), Pascual (2014), and Talmy (2000), it postulates that the uses of "acredita isso", common to local counter-expectation contexts, involve a more subjective perspective about the scene evoked, and thus, by triggering the frame of perplexity or admiration, the speaker invokes this to himself rather than the addressee reaction; "acredita nisso", common to experienced counter-expectations and local counterposition contexts, encompasses a more objective perspective on the evoked scene, and by triggering the belief frame, the speaker evokes it for the other. The antecedent term anaphorically taken up by the pronoun “isso” shapes the addressee's conception, in a disjunctive perspective; whereas the antecedent term anaphorically taken up by the pronoun “nisso” shapes the speaker's own conception, in a conjunctive perspective. If the verb "acreditar" falls within the scope of negation, the pronoun “isso” shapes the speaker's own conception, and the pronoun “nisso” shapes the addressee's conception. The hypotheses were raised from data extracted from websites in Portuguese on the internet.
topic gramática das construções. fictividade. subjetividade. intersubjetividade. uso.
url https://periodicos.uff.br/gragoata/article/view/36586
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